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One more sorrow for Afghanistan: Fatemyoun's militia is back!

A new war? Anger, resentment and arms from Iran are a deadly cocktail that could lead to a new clash in the country. With first-hand accounts from fighters, warlords and politicians, this…

“I came back to Afghanistan one year ago, after fighting in Syria. But now I think a new war is about to start,” says Sharifi, 25, who now lives 50 kilometers away from Kabul, in Wardak province. At an undisclosed location, he speaks in hushed tones to this author. He fears that someone may overhear him. He is part of the mainly Shia Hazara community. When he was working in Iran, he joined the Fatemyoun brigade, a militia created in 2014 by the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and composed mostly of Afghan Shias. They were deployed in Syria and Iraq to fight against the Islamic State (IS). “I went to Iran looking for work. But when I lost my job in a factory, I had no other choice but to join the militia to send some money home.”

 

Sharifi is not alone. Since 2014, Iran has recruited about 30,000 Afghan fighters. But with the end of the military operation against the IS in Syria, they are now coming back to Afghanistan, ready to fight. Many of them, like Sharifi, think that a clash with the Afghan branch of the IS in is inevitable: “One day there will be clashes,” says Sharifi. The Hazaras have to defend themselves. “Many of us have weapons”.

 

It’s little surprise that fighters like Sharifi are gathering weapons to defend themselves and their community. IS Khorasan, the Afghan branch of the IS, has been targeting Shia neighborhoods and mosques since 2017. “I have always hated the Shias. The Quran do not mention them. They are illegal and not real Muslims. We will kill them all, since they want to kill us. In Syria they were fighting under the name of Fatemyoun and they are supported from Iran in Afghanistan” says Amir, an IS fighter and spy living in the Daikundi province.

 

He sits in a hidden room close to Kabul, wearing a black scarf that contrasts with his dark skin and green eyes. He never looks into the eyes of a Kafir (a ‘non-believer’). He says: “Soon we will fight and kill Shias. I am sure”.  

Fatemyoun Brigade was recreated by the Iranian revolutionary corps guard (Sepa-Pasdaran) to fight in Syria and Yemen between 2014 and 2019. it is formed mostly by Afghan shias (majority of Hazara). Many of them were recruited among the huge Afghan refugee population in Iran but many have been sent from Afghanistan. In its peak, it is calculated that the brigade had among its ranks between 20 and 30 thousand soldiers. After the end of the Syrian offensive against the Islamic State in 2019, many of these Shia militias are coming back to Afghanistan, allegedly going to support the several shia warlords that are controlling entire areas in some central provinces of Afghanistan. This could be a new threat, since Iran is backing them and it could use them to destabilize the country.

Another IS informer, Jamal, 23, also told this author a similar story. Sitting on the roof of his house, close to the city of Jalalabad, he confirms, “We have to remove them from the country. Moreover, they are being armed by foreign networks to fight against us. I am not sure, but they say it’s Iran”.

 

A resurgent IS is a headache for the Afghan government. With the massive return of the Fatemyoun, a new conflict is more real than ever before. After facing each other in other countries, they seem ready for a fight in Afghanistan. This could be a turning point that could pose a real threat to the stability of a country already on the brink of economic ruin due to the Coronavirus outbreak and stuck in a peace process between the Taliban and the government that doesn’t seem to be going anywhere.

 

Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, former Afghan Prime Minister and an influential voice on the pollical stage, fears the worst. But on the record, he says little. “Of course these 30 militias are a big threat,” he says trying to underplay the numbers and the threat of a major clash.

 

But Amin Karim too, one of the Presidential Attachés and a senior political figure of Hizb-e-Islami is slightly more candid. “The return of these soldiers isn’t a good sign for the stability of the country. Iran is trying to create the tension between Shias and Sunnis, exactly like in Iraq, Yemen and Syria”.  

“The return of these soldiers isn’t a good sign for the stability of the country. Iran is trying to create the tension between Shias and Sunnis, exactly like in Iraq, Yemen and Syria” Amin Karim, Hizb-e-Islami memeber and president Ghani's attaché

As a further proof, the Afghan main private channel ToloNews published a live advertisement showing the Fatemyoun brigade’s yellow flag opposed to the IS’s black one, saying this could be the next war.

As a further proof, the Afghan main private channel ToloNews published a live advertisement showing the Fatemyoun brigade’s yellow flag opposed to the IS’s black one, saying this could be the next war. “It was paid by the Nato” said an anonym TV channel’s source before confirming that it was banned very quickly. The strategic analyst Ghulam Jailani Zwak says “the advertisement shows there is a connection between the two groups. And it could also be that who paid for this, he is also interested in creating a conflict that has never been that strong in Afghanistan’s history”.

 

“We are almost sure that recruiting and financial transaction for Fatemyoun in Afghanistan is taking place there (Dasht-e-Barchi’s neighborhood),” says Habib Wardak, a defense analyst. But the real operations are happening in the countryside, where Fatemyoun would operate next to local Shia warlord’s militias, he believes.

 

Entire areas and districts are already coming under direct control of either of the two camps.

Local Hazara commander Abd al-Ghani Ali Pur now controls vast swathe of territory in the Behsud region, Wardak province. Many witnesses say that he has unleashed terror in the parts that he controls – with a campaign of violence, cutting the main road connecting Kabul and Bamyan, kidnapping and stealing. The government unsuccessfully tried to arrest him twice in 2018 but without success, due to his strong political ties in the government and parliament and the support of the Hazara community.

According to an official leaked document Ali Pur is involved in the recruitment and training of Shia militias that would later be used to control the region or to join Fatemyoun.

Ali Pur is mentioned together with MP Mehdi Raiskh, known to be very close to him and his protector in the parliament. Many pictures show them together with brand new Iranian weapons.

According to an official leaked document Ali Pur is involved in the recruitment and training of Shia militias that would later be used to control the region or to join Fatemyoun. Protected by some important politicians close to the president in Kabul and in the parliament, he operates undisturbed in central Afghanistan’s provinces, from Wardak to Uruzgan or Daikundi or Bamyan, all inhabited by Hazaras. In the document, Ali Pur is mentioned together with MP Mehdi Raiskh, known to be very close to him and his protector in the parliament. Many pictures show them together with brand new Iranian weapons.

 

All this was formally discredited from Mehdi Rasikh in person in a small room of the Wolesi Jirga. “He only defends the people and I can assure he has any ties with Iran. He recruits soldiers to defend the area from Taliban and for some missions in other regions close by. The government has no documentations to prove he is illegal.” Rasikh also states that “Ali Pur only gives salary and equipment to the people”.

 

Also Sharifi defends Ali Pur, “he is defending Hazaras from Taliban and a regional nomadic tribe. He collected unemployed Hazaras to fight for him and received money from the people. We, Hazara, feel under threat”. But he also makes an interesting claim: “Ali Pur stayed for two years in Iran visiting people fighting in Syria and Yemen. I know this”.

 

All this is a very delicate information. “He, together with other Shia militias are, of course, recruiting soldiers for Iran and Fatemyoun” confirms also Habib Wardak – “not only Ali Pur but also Hizb-e-Wahdat, one of the main parties in parliament. His leader, Mohammad Mohaqeq (Hazara), uses warlords like Ali Pur, sending money. We know that Dasht-e-Barchi is set to be where the finances go through and we also know that Mohaqeq himself went to Tehran and explicitly praising Fatemyoun in front of the Iranian leadership in 2018”.

“Ali Pur is supported by Iran. We have pictures of him with Iranian nationals. Iran wants to start a new war in this country, but people will not accept this. We also know that MP Rasikh is involved in this and we monitor with security” General Muzafarudin Yamen, former Wardak province's governor.

Many Pashtu civilians have lost their lives in Ali Pur’s prisons. Many ask the government some action through letters and meetings. But no one has done nothing so far. Sahib Jan witnessed his captivity in Ali Pur's jails.

The last proofs of this connection comes from officials of the Wardak province, directly affected by Ali Pur’s militias. Former Wardak province’s governor, General Muzafarudin Yamen, utters that “Ali Pur is supported by Iran. We have pictures of him with Iranian nationals. Iran wants to start a new war in this country, but people will not accept this. We also know that MP Rasikh is involved in this and we monitor with security”. The same was reiterated by Haji Akbar Zui, spokesperson of the Wardak provincial council: “Tehran is supporting armed groups, like Ali Pur. A couple of days ago, a smuggler with weapons coming from Iran was arrested by the police. Ali Pur attacked the Police HQ in Behsud district to take those weapons that were for his soldiers. He is preventing the development of the region. I am sure Hazaras are not with him”.

 

The trafficking of soldiers and weapons between Iran and the Shia warlords, according to Akbar Zui, would happen through the central mountainous regions towards the Iranian border. Haji Akbar Zui says that “they bring and take everything through Uruzgan and then towards Iran or to other provinces”. This has been confirmed by the IS spy Amir, who saw directly “ Shias militias’ movements and armed people along the roads leading to Uruzgan”. From Uruzgan, they would cross provinces where Iran has strong influence.

 

Stories of abuses and threats are all over the place. Documents of the police show how many illegal acts he committed during the past year only. And the Hazara community fears retaliation by Pashtus in the region. “1 out of out of 30 families support Ali Pur in the area. People are scared of him. He is illegal. His men are brutal, and we are scared. He is preventing the development of the area” say Tahmina and Farzana, two Hazara sisters living in Jalrez district under the control of Ali Pur. To tell their experience, they escaped the region undercover. “Ali Pur’s militia was created by the Americans when they started their local police programme (ALP) but since they turned against the government, they are assaulting the police. Not only Taliban. Last year they killed some policemen and his soldiers were playing with their cut-off heads throwing stones”.

 

Many Pashtu civilians have lost their lives in Ali Pur’s prisons. Many ask the government some action through letters and meetings. But no one has done nothing so far. The most famous story being the one of Sahib Jan, Faisal Rabi and Said Abbas. Engineer Faisal Rabi was killed while in Ali Pur'a jails with the two other tribal elders, allegedly only for being a Pashtu. Sahib Jan tells the story, traumatized. "He died on my knees. I thought none of us would have survived. They punched me a lot too, putting me stones in my mouth". After the case, Rabi's family is seeking for answers from the government. "We went to Mohaqeq's office but he never helped us. Where is the government? They could arrest Ali Pur whenever they want but they don't. If they will not solve this problem we will join the Taliban resistance or we will kill Hazaras" threat two relatives Said Al-Jabar and Saif Ul-Rahman.

 

How big the conflict could be, no one can say. But most agree that Afghanistan is once again at the precipice of a new and dangerous internal conflict.